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SENATE 



Document 
No. 439 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN 

First and Second Inaugural Addresses 
Message, July 5, 1861 
Proclamation, January 1, 1863 
Gettysburg Address, November 19, 1863 




PRESENTED BY MR. CLARK OF WTOMING 

MARCH 19, 1912. — Ordered to be printed 

MARCH 25, 1912. — Ordered reprinted with corrections 



WASHINGTON 
1912 



INAUGURAL ADDRESS OF THE PRESIDENT 
OF THE UNITED STATES ON THE 4TH OF 
MARCH, 1861 ^ ¥f ¥f ¥f ^ 

Senate— Ex. Doc. No. 1, Special Session, March 8, 1861 



INAUGURAL ADDRESS. 

FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE UNITED STATES: 
In compliance with a custom as old as the Government itself, I 
appear before you to address you briefly, and to take in your pres- 
ence the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United States 
to be taken by the President "before he enters on the execution of his 
office." 

I do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those matters 
of administration about which there is no special anxiety or excitement. 
Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States 
that by the accession of a Republican Administration their property 
and their peace and personal security are to be endangered. There 
has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, 
the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while existed and 
been open to their inspection. It is found in nearly all the published 
speeches of him who now addresses you. I do but quote from one of 
those speeches when I declare that "I have no purpose, directly or 
indirectly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where 
it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no incli- 
nation to do so." Those who nominated and elected me did so with 
full knowledge that I had made this and many similar declarations, and 
had never recanted them. And, more than this, they placed in the 
platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to me, 
the clear and emphatic resolution which I now read : 

Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially 
the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according 
to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on which the 
perfection and endurance of our political fabric depend, and we denounce the law- 
less invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under 
what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes. 

I now reiterate these sentiments; and, in doing so, I only press upon 
the public attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is 
susceptible, that the property, peace, and security of no section are to 
be in anywise endangered by the now incoming Administration. I add, 
too, that all the protection which, consistently with the Constitution and 
the laws, can be given, will be cheerfully given to all the States when 
lawfully demanded, for whatever cause — as cheerfully to one section as 
to another. 

(5) 



There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from 
service or labor. The clause I now read is as plainly written in the 
Constitution as any other of its provisions : 

No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping 
into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged 
from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom 
such service or labor may be due. 

It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those 
who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves; and the 
intention of the law-giver is the law. All members of Congress swear 
their support to the whole Constitution — to this provision as much as 
to any other. To the proposition, then, that slaves, whose cases come 
within the terms of this clause, "shall be delivered up," their oaths are 
unanimous. Now, if they would make the effort in good temper, could 
they not, with nearly equal unanimity, frame and pass a law by means 
of which to keep good that unanimous oath ? 

There is some difference of opinion whether this clause should be 
enforced by national or by State authority; but surely that difference 
is not a very material one. If the slave is to be surrendered, it can be of 
but little consequence to him, or to others, by which authority it is done. 
And should any one, in any case, be content that his oath shall go unkept, 
on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall be kept? 

Again, in any law upon this subject, ought not all the safeguards of 
liberty known in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, 
so that a free man be not, in any case, surrendered as a slave? And 
might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for the enforce- 
ment of that clause in the Constitution which guarantees that "the citi- 
zen of each State shall be entitled to all privileges and immunities of 
citizens in the several States ? " 

I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations, and with 
no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hypercritical 
rules. And while I do not choose now to specify particular acts of 
Congress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be much 
safer for all, both in official and private stations, to conform to and 
abide by all those acts which stand unrepealed, than to violate any of 
them, trusting to find impunity in having them held to be unconsti- 
tutional. 

It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President 
under our National Constitution. During that period fifteen different 
and greatly-distinguished citizens have, in succession, administered the 
Executive branch of the Government. They have conducted it through 
many perils, and generally with great success. Yet, with all this scope 
of precedent, I now enter upon the same task for the brief constitutional 
term of four years under great and peculiar difficulty. A disruption of 
the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidably 
attempted. 



I hold that, in contemplation of universal law, and of the Constitution, 
the Union of these States is perpetual. Perpetuity is implied, if not 
expressed, in the fundamental law of all National Governments. It is 
safe to assert that no Government proper ever had a provision in its 
organic law for its own termination. Continue to execute all the express 
provisions of our National Constitution, and the Union will endure for- 
ever — it being impossible to destroy it except by some action not pro- 
vided for in the instrument itself. 

Again, if the United States be not a Government proper, but an asso- 
ciation of States in the nature of contract merely, can it, as a contract, 
be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it? One 
party to a contract may violate it — break it, so to speak; but does it 
not require all to lawfully rescind it ? 

Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that, 
in legal contemplation, the Union is perpetual, confirmed by the history 
of the Union itself. The Union is much older than the Constitution. 
It was formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774. It was 
matured and continued by the Declaration of Independence in 1776. 
It was further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States 
expressly plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles 
of Confederation in 1778. And, finally, in 1787, one of the declared 
objects for ordaining and estabUshing the Constitution was "to form a 
more perfect union." 

But if destruction of the Union by one, or by a part only, of the States, 
be lawfully possible, the Union is less perfect than before the Constitu- 
tion, having lost the vital element of perpetuity. 

It follows, from these views, that no State, upon its own mere motion, 
can lawfully get out of the Union; that resolves and ordinances to that 
effect are legally void; and that acts of violence, within any State or 
States, against the authority of the United States, are insurrectionary or 
revolutionary, according to circumstances. 

I, therefore, consider that, in view of the Constitution and the laws, 
the Union is unbroken, and, to the extent of my ability, I shall take care, 
as the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the 
Union be faithfully executed in all the States. Doing this I deem to be 
only a simple duty on my part; and I shall perform it, so far as practi- 
cable, unless my rightful masters, the American people, shall withhold 
the requisite means, or, in some authoritative manner, direct the con- 
trary. I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the 
declared purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend and 
maintain itself. 

In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violence; and there 
shall be none, unless it be forced upon the national authority. The 
power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess the 
property and places belonging to the Government, and to collect the 



duties and imposts; but, beyond what may be necessary for these objects, 
there will be no invasion, no using of force against or among the people 
anywhere. Where hostility to the United States, in any interior locality, 
shall be so great and universal as to prevent competent resident citizens 
from holding the federal offices, there will be no attempt to force obnox- 
ious strangers among the people for that object. While the strict legal 
right may exist in the Government to enforce the exercise of these offices, 
the attempt to do so w^ould be so irritating, and so nearly impracticable 
withal, that I deem it better to forego, for the time, the uses of such 
offices. 

The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts 
of the Union. So far as possible, the people everywhere shall have that 
sense of perfect security which is most favorable to calm thought and 
reflection. The course here indicated will be followed, unless current 
events and experience shall show a modification or change to be proper, 
and in every case and exigency my best discretion will be exercised, 
according to circumstances actually existing, and with a view and a hope 
of a peaceful solution of the national troubles, and the restoration of fra- 
ternal sympathies and affections. 

That there are persons in one section or another who seek to destroy 
the Union at all events, and are glad of any pretext to do it, I will 
neither affirm nor deny; but if there be such, I need address no word to 
them. To those, however, who really love the Union, may I not speak ? 

Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our 
national fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, would it 
not be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it? Will you hazard so 
desperate a step while there is any possibility that any portion of the ills 
you fly from have no real existence? Will you, while the certain ills 
you fly to are greater than all the real ones you fly from — will you risk 
the commission of so fearful a mistake ? 

All profess to be content in the Union, if all constitutional rights can 
be maintained. Is it true, then, that any right, plainly written in the 
Constitution, has been denied? I think not. Happily the human mind 
is so constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this. 
Think, if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly written provision 
of the Constitution has ever been denied. If, by the mere force of num- 
bers, a majority should deprive a minority of any clearly written con- 
stitutional right, it might, in a moral point of view, justify revolution — 
certainly would, if such right were a vital one. But such is not our case. 
All the vital rights of minorities and of individuals are so plainly assured 
to them by affirmations and negations, guarantees and prohibitions, in 
the Constitution, that controversies never arise concerning them. But 
no organic law can ever be framed with a provision specifically applicable 
to every question which may occur in practical administration. No 
foresight can anticipate, nor any document of reasonable length contain, 



express provisions for all possible questions. Shall fugitives from labor 
be surrendered by national or by State authority? The Constitution 
does not expressly say. May Congress prohibit slavery in the Terri- 
tories ? The Constitution does not expressly say. Must Congress protect 
slavery in the Territories? The Constitution does not expressly say. 

Vrom questions of this class spring all our constitutional controver- 
sies, and we divide upon them into majorities and minorities. If the 
minority will not acquiesce, the majority must, or the Government must 
cease. There is no other alternative; for continuing the Government is 
acquiescence on one side or the other. If a minority in such case will 
secede rather than acquiesce, they make a precedent which in turn will 
divide and ruin them ; for a minority of their own wnll secede from them 
whenever a majority refuses to be controlled by such minority. For 
instance, why may not any portion of a new confederacy, a year or two 
hence, arbitrarily secede again, precisely as portions of the present Union 
now claim to secede from it? All who cherish disunion sentiments are 
now being educated to the exact temper of doing this. 

Is there such perfect identity of interests among the States to com- 
pose a new Union as to produce harmony only and prevent renewed 
secession ? 

Plainly, the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy. A 
majority held in restraint by constitutional checks and limitations, and 
always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and 
sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people. Whoever rejects 
it does, of necessity, fly to anarchy or to despotism. Unanimity is 
impossible; the rule of a minority, as a permanent arrangement, is 
wholly inadmissible; so that, rejecting the majority principle, anarchy 
or despotism in some form is all that is left. 

I do not forget the position assumed by some, that constitutional 
questions are to be decided by the Supreme Court; nor do I deny that 
such decisions must be binding, in any case, upon the parties to a suit, 
as to the object of that suit, while they are also entitled to very high 
respect and consideration in all parallel cases by all other departments 
of the Government. And while it is obviously possible that such deci- 
sion may be erroneous in any given case, still the evil effect following it, 
being limited to that particular case, with the chance that it may be 
overruled, and never become a precedent for other cases, can better be 
borne than could the evils of a different practice. At the same time, 
the candid citizen must confess that if the policy of the Government 
upon vital questions, affecting the whole people, is to be irrevocably 
fixed by decisions of the Supreme Court, the instant they are made, in 
ordinary litigation between parties in personal actions, the people will 
have ceased to be their own rulers, having to that extent practically 
resigned their government into the hands of that eminent tribunal. Nor 
is there in this view any assault upon the Court or the Judges. It is a 



lO 

duty from which they may not shrink to decide cases properly brought 
before them, and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to turn their deci- 
sions to political purposes. 

One section of our country believes slavery is right, and ought to be 
extended, while the other believes it is wrong, and ought not to be 
extended. This is the only substantial dispute. The fugitive slave 
clause of the Constitution, and the law for the suppression of the foreign 
slave trade, are each as well enforced, perhaps, as any law can ever be 
in a community where the moral sense of the people imperfectly supports 
the law itself. The great body of the people abide by the dry legal obli- 
gation in both cases, and a few break over in each. This, I think, cannot 
be perfectly cured ; and it would be worse in both cases after the separa- 
tion of the sections than before. The foreign slave trade, now imperfectly 
suppressed, would be ultimately revived without restriction in one sec- 
tion; while fugitive slaves, now only partially surrendered, would not be 
surrendered at all, by the other. 

Physically speaking, we cannot separate. We cannot remove our 
respective sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall between 
them. A husband and wife may be divorced, and go out of the presence 
and beyond the reach of each other; but the different parts of our country 
cannot do this. They cannot but remain face to face; and intercourse, 
either amicable or hostile, must continue between them. Is it possible, 
then, to make that intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory 
after separation than before ? Can aliens make treaties easier than friends 
can make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens 
than laws can among friends ? Suppose you go to war, you cannot fight 
always; and when, after .much loss on both sides, and no gain on either, 
you cease fighting, the identical old questions, as to terms of intercourse 
are again upon you. 

This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit it. 
Whenever they shall grow weary of the existing Government they can 
exercise their comtitutional right of amending it, or their revolutionary 
right to dismember or overthrow it. I cannot be ignorant of the fact that 
many worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of having the National 
Constitution amended. While I make no recommendation of amend- 
ments, I fully recognize the rightful authority of the people over the 
whole subject, to be exercised in either of the modes prescribed in the 
instrument itself; and I should, under existing circumstances, favor 
rather than oppose a fair opportunity being afforded the people to act 
upon it. I will venture to add that to me the convention mode seems 
preferable, in that it allows amendments to originate with the people 
themselves, instead of only permitting them to take or reject propositions 
originated by others, not especially chosen for the purpose, and which 
might not be precisely such as they would wish to either accept or refuse. 
I understand a proposed amendment to the Constitution— which amend- 



II 



ment however, I have not seen-has passed Congress, to the effeet that 
te Fetoa! Government shall never interfere with the domesttc msftu- 
ttarofTh States, including that of persons held to serv.ce. To avo d 
r^kconstruction of what I have said, I depart from my purpose not to 
rpeTof particular amendments so far as to say that, holdmg such a p o- 
Xbn to'now be implied constitutional law, I have no objecfon to .ts 
hping made express and irrevocable. ^ „„a 

The Chief Ma^trate derives all his authority from the people, and 
they have confa-red none upon him to fix terms for the separation o he 
Stales The people themselves can do this also if they choose ; but the 
Ixecutive asLch, has nothing to do with it. His duty .s to admm.ster 
fhe pre^nt Government, as it came to his hands, and to transm.t .t, 
iitiimnaired bv him, to his successor. . 

Thy hould ther'e not be a patient confidence in the ulfmate just.ce 
of the people? Is there any better or equal hope m the world ? In our 
nresent d°fferences is either party without faith of bemg ur the right? 

?f the Almighty Ruler of Nations, with His eternal truth and justice 
If the Almignty ^^ ^^^ ^^^^^ ^^^^ j^^h ^nd 

Ir^sZtnita ;-i> >^y t^e judgment of this great tribunal 

°' ^'AtTrarofthfGovernment under which we live, this same people 
have Wsely given their public servants but little power oj "jisehief 
and hive, IL equal wisdom, provided for the return of tha httle to 
their own hands at very short intervals. While the people retain the. 
■ir ue and vigilance, no Administration, by any extreme of wickedness or 
fX, can ve'ry seriously injure the Government m the short space of 

'°MyTountrymen, one and all, think calmly and «« "P°" ^--^h-f^ 
subjLt. Nothing valuable can be .0=. ^^:Z:y^:^^^^ 
r^hipp^- to hurrv any of you, m hot haste, to a siep win».ii y 
tCIdM, that object will be frustrated by taking time; but no 
eood Ob ect can be frustrated by it. Such of you as are now dissatisfied, 
Sn have the old Constitution unimpaired, and, on the ^-si ive point 
h law^of your own framing under it; while the "-' Adminis raUon 
will have no immediate power, if it would, to change either. If it were 
ZIm that you who are dissatisfied hold the right side in the dispute, 
tSltn^ Single .-—/--•-— X ^^^^ 
SrHffrrdtnd t: sanUlpetent to adjust, in the best way, 

'^^r:^ha"ndt mv"'dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and not in .»., is 
th momentous ssue of civil war. The Government will not assail you 
Youein have no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You 
ha°" no oath registered in Heaven to destroy the Government while / 
shall have the most solemn one to "preserve, protect, and defend it. 



12 

I am loth to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We must not 
be enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break our 
bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every 
battle-field and patriot grave to every living heart and hearth-stone, all 
over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again 
touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature. 



MESSAGE OF THE PRESIDENT OF THE 
UNITED STATES TO THE TWO HOUSES 
OF CONGRESS AT THE COMMENCEMENT 
OF THE FIRST SESSION OF THE THIRTY- 
SEVENTH CONGRESS ¥f ¥f ¥f ^ 

Senate — Ex. Doc. No. 1, 37th Congress, 1st session, July 5, 1861 



MESSAGE. 

FELLOW-CITIZENS OF THE SENATE AND HoUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES: 
Having been convened on an extraordinary occasion, as au- 
thorized by the Constitution, your attention is not called to any 
ordinary subject of legislation. 

At the beginning of the present presidential term, four months ago, 
the functions of the federal government were found to be generally 
suspended within the several States of South Carolina, Georgia, Ala- 
bama, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Florida, excepting only those of the 
Post Ofifice Department. 

Within these States all the forts, arsenals, dock-yards, custom-houses, 
and the like, including the movable and stationary property in and 
about them, had been seized, and were held in open hostility to this 
government, excepting only Forts Pickens, Taylor, and Jefferson, on 
and near the Florida coast, and Fort Sumter, in Charleston harbor, 
South Carolina. The forts thus seized had been put in itnproved condi- 
tion; new ones had been built, and armed forces had been organized, 
and were organizing, all avowedly with the same hostile purpose. 

The forts remaining in the possession of the federal government in 
and near these States were either besieged or menaced by warlike prepa- 
rations, and especially Fort Sumter was nearly surrounded by well- 
protected hostile batteries, with guns equal in quality to the best of 
its own, and outnumbering the latter as perhaps ten to one. A dis- 
proportionate share of the federal muskets and rifles had somehow found 
their way into these vStates, and had been seized to be used against the 
government. Accumulations of the public revenue, lying within them, 
had been seized for the same object. The navy was scattered in distant 
seas, leaving but a very small part of it within the immediate reach of 
the government. Officers of the federal army and navy had resigned 
in great numbers; and of those resigning, a large proportion had taken 
up arms against the government. Simultaneously, and in connexion 
with all this, the purpose to sever the Federal Union was openly avowed. 
In accordance with this purpose, an ordinance had been adopted in 
each of these vStates, declaring the States, respectively, to be separated 
from the National Union. A formula for instituting a combined govern- 
ment of these States had been promulgated; and this illegal organiza- 
tion, in the character of confederate States, was already invoking recog- 
nition, aid, and intervention, from foreign Powers. 

(15) 



i6 

Finding this condition of things, and believing it to be an imperative 
duty upon the incoming Executive to prevent, if possible, the consum- 
mation of such attempt to destroy the Federal Union, a choice of means 
to that end became indispensable. This choice was made, and was 
declared in the inaugural address. The policy chosen looked to the 
exhaustion of all peaceful measures, before a resort to any stronger 
ones. It sought only to hold the public places and property not already 
wrested from the government, and to collect the revenues; relying for 
the rest, on time, discussion, and the ballot-box. It promised a con- 
tinuance of the mails, at government expense, to the very people who 
were resisting the government; and it gave repeated pledges against 
any disturbance to any of the people, or any of their rights. Of all that 
which a President might constitutionally, and justifiably, do in such a 
case, everything was forborne, without which, it was believed possible 
to keep the government on foot. 

On the 5th of March, (the present incumbent's first full day in office,) a 
letter of Major Anderson, commanding at Fort Sumter, written on the 
28th of February, and received at the War Department on the 4th of 
March, was, by that department, placed in his hands. This letter 
expressed the professional opinion of the writer, that re-inforcements 
could not be thrown into that fort within the time for his relief, rendered 
necessary by the limited supply of provisions, and with a view of holding 
possession of the same, with a force of less than twenty thousand good and 
well-disciplined men. This opinion was concurred in by all the officers of 
his command, and their memoranda on the subject, were made enclosures 
of Major Anderson's letter. The whole was immediately laid before 
Lieutenant General Scott, who at once concurred with Major Anderson 
in opinion. On reflection, however, he took full time, consulting with 
other officers, both of the army and navy, and, at the end of four days, 
came reluctantly, but decidedly, to the same conclusion as before. He 
also stated at the same time that no such sufficient force was then at 
the control of the government, or could be raised and brought to the 
ground within the time when the provisions in the fort would be 
exhausted. In a purely military point of view, this reduced the duty of 
the administration in the case, to the mere matter of getting the gar- 
rison safely out of the fort. 

It was believed, however, that to so abandon that position, under the 
circumstances, would be utterly ruinous; that the necessity under which 
it was to be done would not be fully understood; that by many, it would 
be construed as a part of a voluntary policy; that at home, it would dis- 
courage the friends of the Union, embolden its adversaries, and go far 
to insure to the latter, a recognition abroad; that, in fact, it would be 
our national destruction consummated. This could not be allowed. 
Starvation was not yet upon the garrison ; and ere it would be reached, 
Fort Pkkens might be re-enforced. This last would be a clear indication 



I? 

of policy, and would better enable the country to accept the evacuation 
of Fort Sumter, as a military necessity. An order was at once directed 
to be sent for the landing of the troops from the steamship Brooklyn, 
into Fort Pickens. This order could not go by land, but must take the 
longer and slower route by sea. The first return news from the order 
was received just one week before the fall of Fort Sumter. The news 
itself was, that the officer commanding the Sabine, to which vessel the 
troops had been transferred from the Brooklyn, acting upon some quasi 
armistice of the late administration, (and of the existence of which the 
present administration, up to the time the order was despatched, had 
only too vague and uncertain rumors to fix attention,) had refused to 
land the troops. To now re-enforce Fort Pickens, before a crisis would 
be reached at Fort Sumter, was impossible — rendered so by the near 
exhaustion of provisions in the latter-named fort. In precaution against 
such a conjuncture, the government had, a few days before, commenced 
preparing an expedition, as well adapted as might be, to relieve Fort 
Sumter, which expedition was intended to be ultimately used, or not, 
according to circumstances. The strongest anticipated case for using it 
was now presented; and it was resolved to send it forwai;d. As had 
been intended, in this contingency,' it was also resolved to notify the 
governor of South Carolina, that he might expect an attempt would be 
;made to provision the fort; and that, if the attempt should not be 
resisted, there would be no effort to throw in men, arms, or ammunition, 
without further notice, or in case of an attack upon the fort. This notice 
was accordingly given; w-hereupon the fort was attacked, and bom- 
barded to its fall, without even awaiting the arrival of the provisioning 
expedition. 

It is thus seen that the assault upon, and reduction of. Fort Sumter, 
was, in no sense, a matter of self defence on the part of the assailants. 
They well knew that the garrison in the fort could, by no possibility, 
commit aggression upon them. They knew— they were expres^y noti- 
fied — that the giving of bread to the few brave and hungry men of the 
garrison, was all which would on that occasion be attempted, unless 
themselves, by resisting so much, should provoke more. They knew 
that this government desired to keep the garrison in the fort, not to 
assail them, but merely to maintain visible possession, and thus to pre- 
serve the Union from actual and immediate dissolution — trusting, as 
hereinbefore stated, to time, discussion, and the ballot-box, for final 
adjustment; and they assailed, and reduced the fort, for precisely the 
reverse object — to drive out the visible authority of the federal Union, 
and thus force it to immediate dissolution. That this was their object, 
the Executive well understood; and having said to them, in the inaugu- 
ral address, "You can have no conflict without being yourselves the 
aggressors," he took pains, not only to keep this declaration good, but 
also to keep the case so free from the power of ingenious sophistry, as 



that the world should not be able to misunderstand it. By the affair at 
Fort Sumter, with its surrounding circumstances, that point was reached. 
Then, and thereb_y, the assailants of the government, began the conflict 
of arms, without a gun in sight, or in expectancy to return their fire, 
save only the few in the fort, sent to that harbor, years before, for their 
own protection, and still ready to give that protection in whatever was 
lawful. In this act, discarding all else, they have forced upon the coun- 
try, the distinct issue: " Immediate dissolution or blood." 

And this issue embraces more than the fate of these United States. 
It presents to the whole family of man the question, whether a con- 
stitutional republic, or democracy — a government of the people, by 
the same people — can, or cannot, maintain its territorial integrity against 
its own domestic foes. It presents the question, whether discontented 
individuals, too few in numbers to control administration, according to 
organic law, in any case, can always, upon the pretences made in this 
case, or on any other pretences, or arbitrarily^ without any pretence, 
break up their government, and thus practically put an end to free 
government upon the earth. It forces us to ask: " Is there, in all repub- 
lics, this inherent and fatal weakness?" "Must a government, of neces- 
sity, be too strong for the liberties of its own people, or too weak to 
maintain its own existence ? ' ' 

So viewing the issue, no choice was left but to call out the war power 
of the government; and so to resist force, employed for its destruction, 
by force, for its preservation. 

The call was made, and the response of the country was most gratify- 
ing, surpassing in unanimity, and spirit, the most sanguine expectation. 
Yet, none of the States commonly called slave States, except Delaware, 
gave a regiment through regular State organization. A few regiments 
have been organized within some others of those States by individual 
enterprise, and received into the government service. Of course, the 
seceded "States, so called, (and to which Texas had been joined about 
the time of the inauguration,) gave no troops to the cause of the Union. 
The border States, so called, were not uniform in their action; some of 
them being almost for the Union, while in others — as Virginia, North 
Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkansas^the Union sentiment was nearly 
repressed, and silenced. The course taken in Virginia was the most 
remarkable — perhaps the most important. A convention, elected by 
the people of that State to consider this very question of disrupting the 
Federal Union, was in session at the capital of Virginia when Fort 
Sumter fell. To this body the people had chosen a large majority of 
professed Union men. Almost immediately after the fall of Sumter, 
many members of that majority went over to the original disunion 
minority, and, with them, adopted an ordinance for withdrawing the 
State from the Union. Whether this change was wrought by their great 
approval of the assault upon Sumter, or their great resentment at the gov- 



19 

ernment's resistance to that assault, is not definitely known. Although 
they submitted the ordinance, for ratification, to a vote of the people, 
to be taken on a day then somewhat more than a month distant, the 
convention, and the legislature, (which was also in session at the same 
time and place,) with leading men of the State, not members of either, 
immediately commenced acting as if the State were already out of the 
Union. They pushed military preparations vigorously forward all over 
the State. They seized the United States armory at Harper's Ferry, 
and the navy yard at Gosport, near Norfolk. They received — perhaps 
invited — into their State large bodies of troops, with their warUke 
appointments, from the so-called seceded States. They formally entered 
into a treaty of temporary alliance, and co-operation with the so-called 
"Confederate States," and sent members to their Congress at Mont- 
gomery. And, finally, they permitted the insurrectionary government 
to be transferred to their capital at Richmond. 

The people of Virginia have thus allowed this giant insurrection to 
make its nest within her borders; and this government has no choice 
left but to deal with it where it finds it. And it has the less regret, as 
the loyal citizens have, in due form, claimed its protection. Those loyal 
citizens this government is bound to recognize, and protect, as being 
Virginia. 

In the border States, so called — in fact, the middle States — there are 
those who favor a policy which they call "armed neutrality;" that is, 
an arming of those States to prevent the Union forces passing one way, 
or the disunion the other, over their soil. This would be disunion com- 
pleted. Figuratively speaking, it would be the building of an impass- 
able wall along the line of separation — and yet, not quite an impassable 
one; for, under the guise of neutrality, it would tie the hands of the 
Union men, and freely pass supplies from among them to the insurrec- 
tionists, which it could not do as an open enemy. At a stroke, it would 
take all the trouble off the hands of secession, except only what proceeds 
from the external blockade. It would do for the disunionists that which, 
of all things, they most desire — feed them well, and give them disunion 
without a struggle of their own. It recognizes no fideUty to the Consti- 
tution, no obligation to maintain the Union; and while very many who 
have favored it are, doubtless, loyal citizens, it is, nevertheless, very 
injurious in effect. 

Recurring to the action of the government, it may be stated that, at 
first, a call was made for seventy-five thousand militia; and rapidly fol- 
lowing this, a proclamation was issued for closing the ports of the insur- 
rectionary districts by proceedings in the nature of blockade. So far all 
was believed to be strictly legal. At this point the insurrectionists 
announced their purpose to enter upon the practice of privateering. 

Other calls were made for volunteers to serve three years, unless 
sooner discharged, and also for large additions to the regular army and 



20 

navy. These measures, whether strictly legal or not, were ventured 
upon, under what appeared to be a popular demand, and a public 
necessity; trusting then, as now, that Congress would readily ratify 
them. It is believed that nothing has been done beyond the constitu- 
tional competency of Congress. 

Soon after the first call for militia, it was considered a duty to author- 
ize the commanding general, in proper cases, according to his discretion, 
to suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, or, in other words, 
to arrest and detain, without resort to the ordinary processes and forms 
of law, such individuals as he might deem dangerous to the public 
safety. This authority has purposely been exercised but very sparingly. 
Nevertheless, the legality and propriety of what has been done under it 
are questioned, and the attention of the country has been called to 
the proposition that one who is sworn to "take care that the laws be 
faithfully executed," should not himself violate them. Of course some 
consideration was given to the questions of power, and propriety, before 
this matter was acted upon. The whole of the laws which were required 
to be faithfully executed, were being resisted, and failing of execution in 
nearly 'one-third of the States. Must they be allowed to finally fail of 
execution, even had it been perfectly clear, that by the use of the means 
necessary to their execution, some single law, made in such extreme 
tenderness of the citizen's liberty, that practically, it relieves more of the 
guilty than of the innocent, should, to a very limited extent, be violated? 
To state the question more directly, are all the laws but one to go unexe- 
cuted, and the government itself go to pieces, lest that one be violated? 
Even in such a case, would not the official oath be broken, if the gov- 
ernment should be overthrown, when it was believed that disregarding 
the single law, would tend to preserve it ? But it was not believed that 
this question was presented. It was not believed that any law was 
violated. The provision of the Constitution that "the privilege of the 
writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended unless when, in cases of 
rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require it," is equivalent 
to a provision — is a provision — that such privilege may be suspended 
when, in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety does require it. 
It was decided that we have a case of rebellion, and that the public 
safety does require the qualified suspension of the privilege of the writ 
which was authorized to be made. Now it is insisted that Congress, and 
not the Executive, is vested with this power. But the Constitution 
itself is silent as to which, or who, is to exercise the power; and as the 
provision was plainly made for a dangerous emergency, it cannot be 
believed the framers of the instrument intended that, in every case, the 
danger should run its course, until Congress could be called together; 
the very assembling of which might be prevented, as was intended in 
this case, by the rebellion. 

No more extended argument is now ofTered, as an opinion, at some 
length, will' probably be presented by the Attorney General. Whether 



21 

there shall be any legislation upon the subject, and if any, what, is 
submitted entirely to the better judgment of Congress. 

The forbearance of this government had been so extraordinary, and 
so long continued, as to lead some foreign nations to shape their action 
as if they supposed the early destruction of our National Union was 
probable. While this, on discovery, gave the Executive some con- 
cern, he is now happy to say that the sovereignty and rights of the 
United States are now everywhere practically respected by foreign 
powers; and a general sympathy with the country is manifested through- 
out the world. 

The reports of the Secretaries of the Treasury, War, and the Navy, 
will give the information in detail deemed necessary, and convenient for 
your deliberation, and action; while the Executive, and all the depart- 
ments, will stand ready to supply omissions, or to communicate new 
facts, considered important for you to know. 

It is now recommended that you give the legal means for making this 
contest a short and a decisive one; that you place at the control of 
the government, for the work, at least four hundred thousand men, and 
four hundred millions of dollars. That number of men is about one- 
tenth of those of proper ages within the regions where, apparently, all 
are willing to engage; and the sum is less than a twenty-third part of the 
money value owned by the men who seem ready to devote the whole. 
A debt of six hundred millions of dollars now, is a less sum per head, 
than was the debt of our revolution when we came out of that struggle; 
and the money value in the country now, bears even a greater proportion 
to what it was then, than does the population. Surely each man has as 
strong a motive now, to preserve our liberties, as each had then, to establish 
them. 

A right result, at this time, will be worth more to the world than ten 
times the men, and ten times the money. The evidence reaching us 
from the country, leaves no doubt, that the material for the work is 
abundant ; and that it needs only the hand of legislation to give it legal 
sanction, and the hand of the Executive to give it practical shape and 
efficiency. One of the greatest perplexities of the government is to avoid 
receiving troops faster than it can provide for them. In a word, the 
people will save their government, if the government itself, will do its 
part, only indifferently well. 

It might seem, at first thought, to be of little difference whether the 
present movement at the South be called "secession" or "rebellion." 
The movers, however, will understand the difference. At the beginning, 
they knew they could never raise their treason to any respectable mag- 
nitude by any name which impUes violaiioii of law. They knew their 
people possessed as much of moral sense, as much of devotion to law and 
order, and as much pride in, and reverence for, the history and govern- 
ment of their common country, as any other civilized and patriotic 



22 

people. They knew they could make no advancement directly in the 
teeth of these strong and noble sentiments. Accordingly they com- 
menced by an insidious debauching of the public mind. They invented 
an ingenious sophism, which, if conceded, was followed by perfectly 
logical steps, through all the incidents, to the complete destruction of the 
Union. The sophism itself is, that any State of the Union may, con- 
sistently with the national Constitution, and therefore lawfully, and 
peacefully, withdraw from the Union, without the consent of the Union, 
or of any other State. The little disguise that the supposed right is to be 
exercised only for just cause, themselves to be the sole judge of its justice, 
is too thin to merit any notice. 

With rebellion thus sugar-coated, they have been drugging the public 
mind of their section for more than thirty years; and until at length they 
have brought many good men to a willingness to take up arms against the 
government the day after some assemblage of men have enacted the 
farcical pretence of taking their State out of the Union, who could have 
been brought to no such thing the day before. 

This sophism derives much, perhaps the -whole, of its currency from 
the assumption that there is some omnipotent and sacred supremacy 
pertaining to a State — to each State of our Federal Union. Our States 
have neither more, nor less power, than that reserved to them, in the 
Union, by the Constitution — no one of them ever having been a State out 
of the Union. The original ones passed into the Union even before they 
cast off their British colonial dependence; and the new ones each came 
into the Union directly from a condition of dependence, excepting Texas. 
And even Texas, in its temporary independence, was never designated a 
State. The new ones only took the designation of States, on coming into 
the Union, while that name was first adopted for the old ones, in and by 
the Declaration of Independence. Therein the "United Colonies" were 
declared to be "free and independent States;" but, even then, the object 
plainly was not to declare their independence of one another, or of the 
Union, but directly the contrary, as their mutual pledge, and their mutual 
action, before, at the time, and afterwards, abundantly show. The 
express plighting of faith, by each and all of the original thirteen, in the 
Articles of Confederation, two years later, that the Union shall be per- 
petual, is most conclusive. Having never been States, either in substance 
or in name, outside of the Union, whence this magical omnipotence of 
"State rights," asserting a claim of power to lawfully destroy the Union 
itself? Much is said about the "sovereignty" of the Sfates; but the 
word, even, is not in the national Constitution ; nor, as is believed, in any 
of the State constitutions. What is a "sovereignty," in the political 
sense of the term? Would it be far wrong to define it, "A political com- 
munity, without a political superior?" Tested by this, no one of our 
States, except Texas, ever was a sovereignty. And even Texas gave up 
the character on coming into the Union- by which act, she acknowledged 



23 

the Constitution of the United States, and the laws and treaties of the 
United States made in pursuance of the Constitution, to be, for her, the 
supreme law of the land. The States have their status in the Union, and 
they have no other legal status. If they break from this, they can only 
do so against law, and by revolution. The Union, and not themselves 
separateh', procured their independence and their liberty. By conquest, 
or purchase, the Union gave each of them, whatever of independence and 
liberty it has. The Union is older than any of the States, and, in fact, it 
created them as States. Originally some dependent colonies made the 
Union, and, in turn, the Union threw off their old dependence for them, 
and made them States, such as they are. Not one of them ever had a 
State constitution independent of the Union. Of course, it is not for- 
gotten that- all the new States framed their constitutions before they 
entered the Union; nevertheless, dependent upon, and preparatory to, 
coming into the Union. 

Unquestionably the States have the powers and rights reserved to 
them in and by the national Constitution; but among these, surely, are 
not included all conceivable powers, however mischievous or destructive; 
but, at most, such only as were known in the world, at the time, as 
governmental powers; and certainly a power to destroy the government 
itself had never been known as a governmental — as a merely adminis- 
trative power. This relative matter of national power and State rights, 
as a principle, is no other than the principle of generality and locality. 
Whatever concerns the whole, should be confided to the whole — to the 
general government; while whatever concerns only the State, should be 
left exclusively to the State. This is all there is of original principle 
about it. Whether the national Constitution, in defining boundaries 
between the two, has applied the principle with exact accuracy, is not 
to be questioned. We are all bound by that defining, without question. 

What is now combatted, is the position that secession is consistent with 
the Constitution— is lawful, and peaceful. It is not contended that there 
is any express law for it; and nothing should ever be impHed as law, 
which leads to unjust or absurd consequences. The nation purchased, 
with money, the countries out of which several of these States ,were 
formed. Is it just that they shall go off without leave, and without 
refunding ? The nation paid very large sums, (in the aggregate, I believe 
nearly a hundred millions,) to relieve Florida of the aboriginal tribes. 
Is it just that she shall now be off without consent, or without making 
any return ? The nation is now in debt for money applied to the benefit 
of these so-called seceding States, in common with the rest. Is it just, 
either that creditors shall go unpaid, or the remaining vStates pay the 
whole? A part of the present national debt was contracted to pay the 
old debts of Texas. Is it just that she shall leave, and pay no part of 
this herself? 



24 

Again, if one State may secede, so may another; and when all shall 
have seceded, none is left to pay the debts. Is this quite just to cred- 
itors ? Did we notify them of this sage view of ours when we borrowed 
their money ? If we now recognize this doctrine by allowing the seceders 
to go in peace, it is difficult to see what we can do if others choose to 
go, or to extort terms upon which they will promise to remain. 

The seceders insist that our Constitution admits of secession. They 
have assumed to make a national constitution of their own, in which, 
of necessity, they have either discarded or retained the right of secession, 
as, they insist, it exists in ours. If they have discarded it, they thereby 
admit that, on principle, it ought not to be in ours. If they have retained 
it, by their own construction of ours they show that to be consistent they 
must secede from one another, whenever they shall find it the easiest 
way of settling their debts, or effecting any other selfish or unjust object. 
The principle itself is one of disintegration, and upon which no govern- 
ment can possibly endure. 

If all the States, save one, should assert the power to drive that one 
out of the Union, it is presumed the whole class of seceder politicians 
would at once deny the power, and denounce the act as the greatest 
outrage upon State rights. But suppose that precisely the same act, 
instead of being called "driving the one out," should be called "the 
seceding of the others from that one," it would be exactly what the 
seceders claim to do; unless, indeed, they make the point, that the one, 
because it is a minority, may rightfully do what the others, because they 
are a majority, may not rightfully do. These politicians are subtle and 
profound on the rights of minorities. They are not partial to that power 
which made the Constitution, and speaks from the preamble, calling 
itself "We, the People." 

It may well be questioned whether there is, to-day, a majority of the 
legally qualified voters of any State, except perhaps vSouth Carolina, in 
favor of disunion. There is much reason to believe that the Union men 
are the majority in many, if not in every other one, of the so-called 
seceded States. The contrary has not been demonstarted in any one of 
them. It is ventured to affirm this, even of Virginia and Tennessee ; for 
the result of an election, held in military camps, where the bayonets are 
all on one side of the question voted upon, can scarcely be considered as 
demonstrating popular sentiment. At such an election all that large 
class who are, at once, jor the Union, and aqainst coercion, would be 
coerced to vote against the Union. 

It may be affirmed, without extravagance, that the free institutions 
we enjoy have developed the powers, and improved the condition, of 
our whole people, beyond any example in the world. Of this we now 
have a striking, and an impressive illustration. So large an army as the 
government has now on foot, was never before known, without a soldier 
in it, but who had taken his place there of his own free choice. But more 



25 

than this: there are many single regiments whose members, one and 
another, possess full practical knowledge of all the arts, sciences, profes- 
sions, and whatever else, whether useful or elegant is known in the world; 
and there is scarcely one from which there could not be selected a Presi- 
dent, a Cabinet, a Congress, and perhaps a Court, abundantly competent 
to administer the government itself! Nor do I say this is not true, also 
in the army of our late friends, now adversaries in this contest; but if 
it is, so much better the reason why the government, which has conferred 
such benefits on both them and us should not be broken up. Whoever, 
in any section, proposes to abandon such a government, would do well to 
consider, in deference to what principle it is that he does it — what better 
he is likely to get in its stead — whether the substitute will give, or be 
intended to give, so much of good to the people. There are some fore- 
shadowings on this subject. Our adversaries have adopted some declara- 
tions of independence, in which, unlike the good old one, penned by Jef- 
ferson, they omit the words "all men are created equal." Why? They 
have adopted a temporary national constitution, in the preamble of which, 
unlike our good old one, signed by Washington, they omit "We, the 
people," and substitute "We, the deputies of the sovereign and inde- 
pendent States." Why? Why this deliberate pressing out of view, the 
rights of men, and the authority of the people? 

This is essentially a People's contest. On the side of the Union, it is a 
struggle for maintaining in the world, that form and substance of gov- 
ernment, whose leading object is, to elevate the condition of men — to 
lift artificial weights from all shoulders; to clear the paths of laudable 
pursuit for all; to afford all an unfettered start, and a fair chance in the 
race of life. Yielding to partial and temporary departures, from neces- 
sity, this is the leading object of the government for whose existence we 
contend. 

I am most happy to believe that the plain people understand and ap- 
preciate this. It is worthy of note, that while in this, the government's 
hour of trial, large numbers of those in the army and navy who have 
been favored with the offices, have resigned, and proved false to the hand 
which had pampered them, not one common soldier, or common sailor, is 
known to have deserted his flag. 

Great honor is due to those officers who remained true, despite the ex- 
ample of their treacherous associates; but the greatest honor, and most 
important fact of all, is the unanimous firmness of the common soldiers 
and common sailors. To the last man, so far as known, they have suc- 
cessfully resisted the traitorous efforts of those whose commands, but an 
hour before, they obeyed as absolute law. This is the patriotic instinct 
of plain people. They understand, without an argument, that the de- 
stroying the government which was made by Washington means no good 
to them. 



26 

Our popular government has often been called an experiment. Two 
points in it our people have already settled — the successful establishing 
and the successful administering of it. One still remains — its successful 
maintenance against a formidable internal attempt to overthrow it. 
It is now for them to demonstrate to the world, that those who can 
fairly carry an election, can also suppress a rebellion; that ballots are 
the rightful and peaceful successors of bullets; and that when ballots 
have fairly and constitutionally decided, there can be no successful ap- 
peal back to bullets; that there can be no successful appeal except to 
ballots themselves, at succeeding elections. Such will be a great lesson 
of peace; teaching men that what they cannot take by an election, 
neither can they take it by a war; teaching all the folly of being the be- 
ginners of a war. 

Lest there be some uneasiness in the minds of candid men, as to what 
is to be the course of the government, towards the southern States, after 
the rebellion shall have been suppressed, the Executive deems it proper 
to say, it will be his purpose then, as ever, to be guided by the Constitu- 
tion and the laws; and that he probably will have no different under- 
standing of the powers and duties of the federal government relatively to 
the rights of the States and the people, under the Constitution, than that 
expressed in the inaugural address : 

He desires to preserve the government, that it may be administered 
for all, as it was administered by the men who made it. Loyal citizens 
everywhere, have the right to claim this of their government; and the 
government has no right to withhold, or neglect it. It is not perceived 
that, in giving it, there is any coercion, any conquest, or any subjugation, 
in any just sense of those terms. 

The Constitution provides, and all the States have accepted the 
provision, that "The United States shall guarantee to every State in 
this Union a republican form of government." But, if a State may 
lawfully go out of the Union, having done so, it may also discard the 
republican form of government; so that to prevent its going out is an 
indispensable means, to the end, of maintaining the guaranty men- 
tioned; and when an end is lawful and obligatory, the indispensable 
means to it, are also la^vful and obligatory. 

It was with the deepest regret that the Executive found the duty 
of employing the war-power, in defence of the government, forced upon 
him. He could but perform this duty, or surrender the existence of 
the government. No compromise, by public servants, could, in this 
case, be a cure; not that compromises are not often proper, but that 
no popular government can long survdve a marked precedent, that those 
who carry an election, can only save the government from immediate 
destruction, by gi\ang up the main point, upon which, the people gave 
the election. The people themselves, and not their servants, can safely 
reverse their own deliberate decisions. 



27 

As a private citizen, the Executive could not have consented that these 
institutions shall perish; much less could he, in betrayal of so vast, and 
so sacred a trust, as these free people had confided to him. He felt that he 
had no moral right to shrink, nor even to count the chances of his own 
life, in what might follow. In full view of his great responsibility, he 
has, so far, done what he has deemed his duty. You will now, accord- 
ing to your own judgment, perform yours. He sincerely hopes that 
your views, and your action, may so accord with his, as to assure all 
faithful citizens, who have been disturbed in their rights, of a certain, 
and speedy restoration to them, under the Constitution and the laws. 

And having thus chosen our course, without guile, and with pure 
purpose, let us renew our trust in God, and go forward without fear, 
and with manly hearts. 

July 4, 1861. 



BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 
OF AMERICA ^ ^ A PROCLAMATION 



w 



PROCLAMATION. 

THEREAS, on the twenty-second day of September, in the year 
/ of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, a 
proclamation was issued by the President of the United 
States, containing among other things, the following, to wit: 



"That on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hun- 
dred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any State or designated part 
of a State, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United States, 
shall be then, thenceforward, and forever free; and the Executive Government of the 
United States, including the military and naval authority thereof, will recognize and 
maintain the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to repress such per- 
sons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom. 

"That the Executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by proclamation, 
designate the States and parts of States, if any, in which the people thereof, respec- 
tively, shall then be in rebellion against the United States; and the fact that any State, 
or the people thereof, shall on that day be, in good faith, represented in the Congress 
of the United States by members chosen thereto at elections wherein a majority of the 
qualified voters of such State shall have participated, shall, in the absence of strong 
countervailing testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such State, and the 
people thereof, are not then in rebellion against the United vStates." 

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, 
by virtue of the power in me vested as Commander-in-Chief, of the 
Army and Navy of the United States in time of actual armed rebellion 
against the authority and government of the United States, and as a fit 
and necessary war measure for suppressing said rebellion, do, on this 
first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred 
and sixty-three, and in accordance with my purpose so to do publicly 
proclaimed for the full period of one hundred days, from the day first 
above mentioned, order and designate as the States and parts of States 
wherein the people thereof respectively, are this day in rebellion against 
the United States, the following, to wit : 

Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana, (except the Parishes of St. Bernard, Pla- 
quemines, Jefferson, St. John, St. Charles, St. James Ascension, Assump- 
tion, Terrebonne, Lafourche, St. Mary, St. Martin, and Orleans, includ- 
ing the City of New Orleans) Mississippi, Alabama, Florida, Georgia, 
South Carolina, North Carolina, and Virginia, (except the forty-eight 
counties designated as West Virginia, and also the counties of Berk- 
ley, Accomac, Northampton, Elizabeth City, York, Princess Ann, and 

(31) 



32 

Norfolk, including the cities of Norfolk and Portsmouth, and which 
excepted parts are, for the present, left precisely as if this proclamation 
were not issued. 

And by virtue of the power, and for the purpose aforesaid, I do order 
and declare that all persons held as slaves within said designated States, 
and parts of States, are, and henceforward shall be free; and that the 
Executive government of the United States, including the military and 
naval authorities thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of 
said persons. 

And I hereby enjoin upon the people so declared to be free to abstain 
from all violence, unless in necessary self-defense; and I recommend to 
them that, in all cases when allowed, they labor faithfully for reasonable 
wages. 

And I further declare and make known, that such persons of suitable 
condition, will be received into the armed service of the United States to 
garrison forts, positions, stations, and other places, and to man vessels of 
all sorts in said service. 

And upon this act, sincerely believed to be an act of justice, warranted 
by the Constitution, upon military necessity, I invoke the considerate 
judgment of mankind, and the gracious favor of Almighty God. 

Ix WITNESS WHEREOF, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the 
seal of the United States to be affixed. 

Done at the city of Washington, this first day of January, 
in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred 

[SE.M..] and sixty three, and of the Independence of the United 

States of America the eighty-seventh. 

By the President: 

William H. Seward, 

Secretary of State. 

[No. 95.J 



ADDRESS AT DEDICATION OF GETTYSBURG 
NATIONAL CEMETERY sT NOVEMBER 19, 1863 



ADDRESS DELIVERED AT THE DEDICATION OF THE 
CEMETERY AT GETTYSBURG, NOVEMBER 19, 1863. 

FOUR score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this 
continent, a new nation, conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to 
the proposition that all men are created equal. 

Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that 
nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. 
We are met on a great battle-field of that war. We have come to dedi- 
cate a portion of that field, as a final resting place for those who here 
gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and 
proper that we should do this. 

But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate^ — we can not consecrate — 
we can not hallow — this ground. The brave men, living and dead, 
who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to 
add or detract. The world will little note-, nor long remember what we 
say here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us the 
living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they 
who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us 
to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us — that from 
these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which 
they gave the last full measure of devotion — that we here highly resolve 
that these dead shall not have died in vain — that this nation, under 
God, shall have a new birth of freedom — and that government of the 
people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth. 

(35) , ^ ^^ 



SECOND INAUGURAL ADDRESS sT MARCH 4, 1865 

See Senate Journal, Thirty-eigrhth Congress, second session, p. 346 



i 



SECOND INAUGURAL ADDRESS. 

g \ellow Countrymen: At this second appearing to take the oath 
—^ of the presidential office, there is less occasion for an extended 
^ _ address than there was at the first. Then, a statement some- 
what in detail, of a course to be pursued seemed fitting and 
proper. Now, at the expiration of four years, during which public dec- 
^-^ rations have been constantly called forth on every point and phase of 
Lhe great contest which still absorbs the attention and engrosses the ener- 
gies of the nation, Uttle that is new could be presented. The progress of 
our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the pub- 
lic as to myself; and it is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging 
to all. With high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to it is 
/entured. 

On the occasion corresponding to this four years ago, all thoughts were 
a,nxiously directed to an impending civil war. All dreaded it — all sought 
to avert it. While the inaugural address was being delivered from this 
place, devoted altogether to saving the Union without war, insurgent 
Agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war — seeking to 
dissolve the Union, and divide effects, by negotiation. Both parties 
deprecated war; but one of them would make war rather than let the 
nation survive; and the other would accept war rather than let it 
perish. And the war came. 

One-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed 
erally over the Union, but localized in the southern part of it. These 
ves constituted a peculiar and powerful interest. All knew that this 
liiterest was, somehow, the cause of the war. To strengthen, perpetuate, 
and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would 
rend the Union, even by war; while the Government claimed no right 
to do more than to restrict the territorial enlargement of it. Neither 
party expected for the war the magnitude or the duration which it has 
already attained. Neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict 
might cease with, or even before the conflict itself should cease. Each 
looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astound- 
ing. Both read the same Bible, and pray to the same God; and each 
invokes His aid against the other. It may seem strange that any men 
should care to ask a just God's assistance in wringing their bread from 
the sweat of other men's faces; but let us judge not, that we be not 
judged. The prayers of both could not be answered — that of neither 

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come; but woe to that man by whom th ^ 0l2 ®r_^ii. If we shall 
suppose that American slavery is one or those offences which, in the 
providence of God, must needs come, but which, having continued 
through His appointed time, He now wills to remove, and that He gives 
to both North and South this terrible war, as the woe due to those by 
whom the offence came, shall we discern therein any departure from 
those divine attributes which the believers in a living God always ascribe 
to Him? Fondly do we hope — fervently do we pray — that this mighty 
scourge of war may speedily pass away. Yet, if God wills that it con- 
tinue until all the wealth piled by the bondsman's two hundred and 
fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood 
drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as 
was said three thousand years ago, so still it must be said, "The judg- 
ments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether." 

With malice toward none; with charity for all; with firmness in the 
right, as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work 
we are in; to bind up the nation's wounds; to care for him who shall 
have borne the battle, and for his widow, and his orphan — to do all 
which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves, 
and with all nations. 



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